ANALYSIS
THE KOSOVA PROTECTION CORPS(KPC) IS NOT A PRIVATE FIRM
OF COVIC & Co. OF THE SERBIAN AND MONTENEGRIN UNION
Prof.Dr.Mehdi HYSENI
In view of the fact that the virus of the Serb regime of Slobodan
Milosevic is being regenerated of late to fight the vital interests of the
Albanians and Kosova, the existence and fate of the Kosova Protection
Corps (KPC) cannot be called in question not only by the Serbian and
Montenegrin Union of Nebojsa Covic and Rada Trajkovic, but by the UNMIK
chief administrator and some other association of an
international(government or non-government) character either, because KPC
is a legitimate and legal institution on the basis of domestic and
international public law under which it waged a national liberation and
anti-colonial war against the foreign Serbian-Montenegrin occupiers in the
1998-1999 period.
It is necessary to remind both the Union of Serbia and Montenegro and
the titular heads of the relevant international institutions (NATO,
UNO,OSCE, EU) that KPC is by no means a phantom that has arisen from the
ashes of some alien phoenix or a by-product of some joint private-public
firm of the Zemun clan “Red Berets”. Nor is it property that Belgrade’s
state apparatus owns. KPC is a natural military product of the people,
grown out of the ranks of the Albanian people at the most crucial moment
of the history of their struggle to defend their existence and Kosova
against Serbia’s barbaric hordes, which were bent on genocide and
occupation. Therefore, neither Serbia nor any “uninstructed” and biased
representatives of the international community, who are trying to
rehabilitate Serbia’s genocidal policy at the expense of the national
liberation war of KLA = KPC against the Great Serbian colonialist
occupiers, can play fast and loose with its fate and existence. Nobody but
the Albanian people of Kosova can determine KPC’s fate at present and in
the future. This sovereign right belongs only to the Albanian people and
not to the spokesmen for the Serbian-Montenegrin ultranationalist policies
and propaganda in Podgorica or Belgrade. Vowed ultranationalists such as
Nebojsa Covic and Rada Trajkovic (direct or indirect representatives of
the Serbian-Montenegrin government), deceive themselves if they reckon
that the Albanians and KPC have forgotten the decades-long Serbian state
terror and genocide against the Albanian people and Kosova. They delude
themselves into thinking that now, because of repeated, paranoid,
collective demands and concocted anti-Albanian accusations spread through
Slobodan Milosevic’s Great Serbian political machine of extermination and
the Serbian Orthodox Church, “willingly” and succumbing to the dictate of
Serbia and some of its allies, the Albanian people and KPC will “agree” to
leave their own fate and that of Kosova again in the hands of the Serbian
and Montenegrin criminal military, paramilitary and police gangs. The
“scorched earth” strategy and “horseshoe” combat operations through which
Serbia and Slobodan Milosevic (1998-1999) transformed Kosova into an
Albanian mass grave and a territory deserted by Albanians, can in no way
be repeated either in Kosova or in other Albanian-inhabited territories
outside of Kosova because they will be defended by the devoted members of
the former Kosova Liberation Army(KLA), today known as Kosova Protection
Corps(KPC).
Only the Albanian legitimate army will defend the Albanian
people and Kosova
In spite of the list of “desires” of the Great Serbian colonialist
policy makers to include Kosova and the Albanians in the vice of their
hegemonic domination by eliminating the Albanian military factor called
KPC from the political and military scene at all costs, their strategy and
tactics cannot be translated into reality. However, this goal of the
chieftains of the government of the Serbia and Montenegro Union should by
no means be overlooked. The Albanian side should take it most seriously
because its rear line is out-and-out anti-Albanian and it can be equated
with the objectives and aims of the rapacious and genocidal policy of the
military, police regime of dictator Slobodan Milosevic.
Both directly and indirectly, all the attacks and accusations
Serbian-Montenegrin official policy makers and their propaganda machine
level at KPC are aimed at downplaying the start of negotiations with
official Prishtina as Belgrade considers Kosova its own internal issue and
not an international issue with a neighbor. To achieve this aim, Serbian
official policy has played a role in imposing itself on the international
factor in Kosova. This is also clearly proved by the limitations,
primarily “the standards,” put forward by the UNMIK administration. In
such circumstances, nobody knows when (10, 20 or 30 years later) the
debate on the final status of Kosova will be put in the order of the day.
Because of the pressure exerted by the irrational policy of Belgrade,
demands are made of the Albanian politicians and UNMIK to implement the
decentralization of the Albanian “state power” ?!
What kind of decentralization of the so-called dominant Albanian power
of government can be talked about at a time when representatives of the
Serbian-Montenegrin and other minorities in Kosova participate in all
government institutions and the parliament of Kosova or, in other words,
when all standards relating to political, economic and cultural
integration, security and other standards for a common multiethnic
pluralist society have been implemented in a matter of four years. This is
what is said at least in the reports and official opinions of titular
heads of the international UNMIK and KFOR structures in Kosova.
It stands to reason that if we really want to resolve problems in
thespirit of objectivity and the criteria of the process of
integration,the principles of democracy, pluralism and the legal norms
ofinter-ethnic co-existence in Kosova as well as in compliance with
theuniversal standards and values of the international legal system and
international law and with what the peace agenda of the New International
Order calls for, then, there is no doubt that it is necessary to
decentralize, namely, immediately dissolve all the Serbian-Montenegrin
parallel institutions in Kosova (the ethnically pure University in
Mitrovica, the assemblies at commune level and some associations of a
police and paramilitary character in Mitrovica, Gracanica, Kamenica, etc.
Whether the Serbian-Montenegrin extremists and ultranationalists in
Prishtina and Belgrade like it or not, such a phenomenon leads to the
segregation and apartheid of the multiethnic society in Kosova.
Furthermore, these institutions are illegal and run counter to the legal
system and the legitimacy of the legal institutions and organs of the
multiethnic government of Kosova. They are in flagrant contravention of
the provisions of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244.
Therefore, this Serbian-Montenegrin phenomenon aimed at disintegration
and destabilization, and indicative of failure to do away with the
stereotypes and indoctrination of the moribund genocidal policy of
Slobodan Milosevic’s Serbia, is one of the most serious problems that
jeopardizes the process of construction of a free and democratic society
in Kosova. Not only is this Serbian-Montenegrin phenomenon of
disintegration ridiculous but it is also absurd and unlawful since its
essence consists of two elements, which are unacceptable to the political
orientation and interests of the Albanian majority, which constitutes more
than 90 percent of the population, as well as to the international policy
for peace in Kosova. First, it implies “decentralization” of power
horizontally and vertically and not on the basis of representation relying
on the percentage of the Serbian-Montenegrin minority but according to the
criteria of an abstract key, the so-called “defense of Serbian national
and state interest in Kosova.” This “principle” can be applicable and
acceptable in Serbia only where the Serbs are the majority but in no way
can it be applied in Kosova where the Albanians constitute the
overwhelming majority. It is natural that in Kosova all the fundamental
rights and freedoms of all minorities, who live there, will equally be
protected, but the defense of Kosova’s national and state interest will
inevitably be the responsibility of the overwhelming majority of the
population only, namely, the Albanian people, who are the only ones
entitled to ensure the defense of the national and state interests of
Kosova according to law and historical right. Second, according to
heretofore tradition of the Serbian colonialist policy, though
constituting a minority, by eventually “decentralizing” the legal and
democratic system of the local and international administration in Kosova,
the Serbs seek to create real conditions for a comeback of the
Serbian-Montenegrin criminal army and police so that Kosova and the
Albanian majority that makes up more than 90 percent of the population,
are transformed into a vassal minority of the Serbian-Montenegrin 5
percent minority. This is the main aim of the “dissatisfaction” of the
representatives and leaders of the Serb minority in Kosova and Belgrade’s
official policy makers.
The so-called discrimination against the Serbian-Montenegrin minority
in Kosova has nothing to do with it as Belgrade’s Serbian-Montenegrin
impudent political propaganda is making out.
To materialize these amoral and anti-civilization goals at the expense
of the Albanians and Kosova, the Serbian-Montenegrin propaganda machine is
manipulating and deceiving the domestic and international opinion by
alleging that the Albanians and Kosova have not been the victims of the
state terrorism and genocide of Slobodan Milosevic’s Serbia and that it is
the Serbian minority in Kosova that “has fallen victim to Albanian
terrorism.” This anti-Albanian thesis can go down with those who
sympathized with and carried out genocide and helped perpetrate the war
crimes of the Hitlerite and fascist machine as well as with the
Serbian-Montenegrin ultranationalists (of yesterday and today, the
right-hand men of Slobodan Milosevic’s regime of genocide), Nebojsa Covic
(head of the Coordination Center for the return of the Serbian-Montenegrin
refugees to Kosova and deputy Prime Minister of the Serbian government)
and Rada Trajkovic (deputy to Kosova’s multiethnic parliament and leader
of “Povratak”) and others.
It is worth emphasizing that all the acts of boycott and blackmail
against UNMIK’s and KFOR’s international policies have been the outcome of
direct and indirect involvement of Belgrade’s Serbian government that has
been working hand in glove with the extremist pair, Nebojsa Covic and Rada
Trajkovic. The depth of their hatred for and lack of tolerance towards the
Albanian population, native to its own land of Kosova, is also proved by
most recent statements against the existence of KPC and the vital
interests of the Albanians in Kosova.
How “open” and “sincere” the “democratized” Serbian and Montenegrin
government is with regard to talks with the Albanian side on the
settlement of the status of Kosova also has been demonstrated in a
spectacular and clear manner, indicative of Great Serbian national
chauvinism, by Nebojsa Covic, who has stressed that “KPC should pick up
the shovel and don the overalls and refrain from becoming modernized in
the military sense for the defense of Kosova.” ?! (Tanjug, May 5, 2003).
This “political” qualification by Nebojsa Covic of KPC – the Albanian
military factor – is not backed up at all either by the stipulations of
Resolution 1244, which the Great Serbian political factor interpretes from
the angle of its colonialist view of Kosova, or by the international law.
KLA was dissolved into KPC according to Resolution 1244. This stark truth
is already known even to the song birds of the Russian steppes, let alone
to the political opinion in Kosova and New York. KPC is the end result of
a just national liberation war against aggression and genocide committed
by Serbia. Its forerunner was the Kosova Liberation Army (KLA). Its status
is based on its recognition by the international community on the basis of
the international law and it was legalized by the Rambouillet Conference (
February, 1999), where it was signatory to the international agreement on
the conclusion of the Kosova war. The recognition of the international
juridical status of KLA – KPC as a national liberation movement by the
United States of America and the international community complied with
Resolution 2105/XX, endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly on
December 20, 1965. Thus, nobody, neither the Serbia and Montenegro Union
with its colonialist policies nor any shortsighted, present or erstwhile,
supporter and sympathizer of it can deprive KPC of this justified and
legitimate right.
Nebojsa Covic, Momcilo Trajkovic, Rada Trajkovic, Oliver Ivanovic and
the crowd of clerics of Serbian Orthodox fundamentalism in Kosova and
Serbia must be clear that the genocide against the Albanians in Kosova in
the years 1989-1999 was not committed by the Albanians or KPC against the
Serbian-Montenegrin minority as the present-day post-Milosevic Serbian
official policy makers are alleging. The genocide was the work of the
Serbs and Serbia; it was inspired by aggressive religious funamentalism
and extremism, aided and abetted with every possible means by the Serbian
Orthodox Church and Serbia’s Academy of Sciences and Arts, and carried out
by the various secret services of the police and the army of Serbia, all
guided by Greater Serbia hegemonic programs drawn up by Ilia Garashanin
(1844), Vasa Cubrilovic and Ivo Andric(1937), Vuk Karadzic (1847) and by
the Vidovdan Constitution (1921), and so on and so forth. Turning the
truth upside down will not be accepted either by the Albanians and KPC or
the international community. The reality is the opposite because millions
of Albanian, Croatian and Bosnian Muslim victims provide ample proof to
the world that Slobodan Milosevic’s Hitlerite-inspired Serbia and not the
Albanians of Kosova, the Croats of Croatia and the Bosnians of Bosnia,
committed monstrous, anti-human and illegal crimes. Such being the case,
despite the desire and diabolic and misleading tactics of the Great
Serbian ultranationalists who are trying to pose themselves as “angels”
and “victims” and not as the hangmen that they are, to the civilized world
in order to hide their 20th century savagery, it is very unlikely in the
legal sense that international justice and the civilized democratic world
today can rehabilitate the military, paramilitary and police forces of
Serbia, which perpetrated preposterous crimes, genocide and reprisals,
punishable by international law, against the Albanian people and Kosova.
By extension, nor can the Serbian and Montenegrin Union stand any legal
chance of being rehabilitated by international justice and today’s
civilized and democratic world. Those who attempt to rehabilitate the
Serbs and Serbia and absolve them of their three campaigns of genocide
against the Albanians, the Croatians and the Muslim Bosnians, are not part
of the contemporary civilized world, nor do they belong to the positive
international legal order. Instead, they are part and parcel of the
slave-owning order of obscurantism, the European Byzantine chancelleries
of the time of the Holy Alliance and the dictatorial colonialist order of
the European metropolises in Africa and Asia prior to and after World War
II.
According to international law, international penal acts of genocide
cannot be prescribed in spite of the passage of time and the lamentable
desire of Rada Trajkovic to return the criminal “VJ” [the Yugoslav Army]to
Kosova. It is natural that this should not be construed as a personal
desire of Rada Trajkovic (deputy to the Kosova parliament). It is a new
collective battlefront of all the political, military, police and
paramilitary subjects of Serbia and Montenegro, which poses a grave threat
to the defense and general security of the Albanians not only in Kosova,
but further afield, in the colonized Albanian “enclaves” of Serbia and
Montenegro.
KPC that fought for a free, independent and democratic Kosova,
will also defend it as such!
Although “unrestricted games” have been played recently at the expense
of the fate of Kosova and the Albanians, which emanate from Serbia’s
warmongering propaganda, Michael Steiner’s UNMIK administration and KFOR
should not have legalized the claims of the propaganda of Serbia’s
political circles and of its provocateurs such as Nebojsa Covic and Rada
Trajkovic, “the spearhead,” who are the most extreme critics of the
heretofore policy of the UNMIK administration and KFOR in Kosova. No
positive result that these two peace institutions have achieved in Kosova
are acceptable to the extremist leaders of the Serb minority and Serbian
government in Belgrade. Serbs’ individual and collective pressures are
brought to bear on Michael Steiner and other titular heads of UNMIK and
KFOR in Kosova in an organized and systematic manner; they have been
planned in the minutest detail to draw concessions from the injured
Albanian party and the international community.
The most drastic case of blackmail by the Serbian-Montenegrin
nationalist leaders against the UNMIK chief administrator, Michael
Steiner, is their insidious and provocative demand that he arbitrarily
decide to restrict KPC’s rights and duties. Clear indication of it is also
the following statement by Nebojsa Covic. “KPC’s further modernization
must be put an end to by the international community, which has created
it,” he has been quoted as saying. In a word, Covic has demanded that
Michael Steiner exempt KPC from Kosova’s political and military system. If
such an aim of the Serbian side, which is so keen on concocting slanders
and accusations, namely, putting an end to KPC’s activities and
modernization, is attained, the outcome will undoubtedly be political and
military polarization as well as unpredicted inter-ethnic turn of events.
Hence head-on collision between all-Albanian armed forces and the
Serbian-Montenegrin forces. In such a scenario, everything would start
from scratch in Kosova. This is “the apple of discord” Serbia with Nebojsa
Covic and Rado Trajkovic in the lead are looking for. Likewise, this
strategy of a new Albanian-Serbian war is also borne out by Northern
Mitrovica’s current political, administrative and geopolitical status. So
far, the Albanians have been cautious enough to avert the threat that
official Belgrade has been preparing for four years now. The Albanians,
who have proved themselves to be moderate even though they have been the
injured party on different occasions, have taken such an approach for the
sake of salvaging the process of building a stable peace and inter-ethnic
trust in Kosova hoping at the same time that neighboring Serbia would make
a public apology for all the massacres and ruins inflicted on the
Albanians and Kosova in the 1998-1999 period. Unfortunately, although
Albanians’ wise policy has given post-Milosevic Serbia the opportunity to
normalize relations with Kosova (in the name of democracy and European and
regional integration), Serbia’s leadership with Nebojsa Covic (formerly in
the employ of S. Milosevic’s SPS) taking the lead, while perfidiously
deceiving to little by little win both the neighboring countries and the
European Union, the Council of Europe, OSCE etc. over to its side, has
started to reactivate the genocidal strategy, policies and propaganda of
Slobodan Milosevic’s fascist regime, by directly interfering in Kosova’s
internal affairs. This is also proved by the following statement made by
Rada Trajkovic, deputy to the Kosova parliament, to the public media.
She has said: “Conditions have been created for the Serbian official
policy to offer UNMIK and KFOR the proposal for admitting military and
special forces of the Serbia and Montenegro Union into the structures of
these two international peace institutions to fight Albanian terrorism
together” !? (Liria Kombëtare [L.K.] May 6, 2003). That this proposal of
the deputy of the Serb minority in Kosova is out of place and unacceptable
to both the Albanian side and the international peace missions, UNMIK and
KFOR in Kosova, is also proved by the case of the Albanian civilians who
fell victim to Serb terrorism and genocide, a fact that constitutes an
international penal crime perpetrated by the forces of the Yugoslav Army (Vojska
Jugoslavije – Serbia + Montgenegro), the Serbian-Montenegrin paramilitary
and police forces in Kosova during the Serbian-Montenegrin aggression of
occupation in Kosova in the years 1998-1999. On May 10, 2003, tens
identified bodies of Albanian civilians from Kosova, found in 2002, two
years after the Kosova war, in the mass grave at Petrovo Selo, the police
testing ground at Batajanica not far from Belgrade and in the Perucac lake
near Bajna Bashta, were handed over at the Kosova-Serbia border checkpoint
of Merdar. They had been buried outside of Kosova by Serb forces, deep in
the northern and western interior of Serbia so that any trace of their
genocidal crimes against the Albanian victims could be lost. As UNMIK
announced, the remains of the tens victims brought to Kosova, have been
placed in the morgue of the Rahovec commune, where the Serb army and
police committed the bloodiest crimes against the Albanian civil
population.” (L.K. May 10, 2003).
Although this crime committed by the Serbian-Montenegrin military and
police forces is anti-human, spearheaded against civilization and
constitutes an international penal responsibility under the international
humanitarian law (The Hague Regulation of 1907, Art.46, para.1; Geneva
Convention IV, Art.27, para 1; Adition Protocol I, Art.51, para.2; Adition
Protocol II, Art.13, para.2, both of 1977), Dr. Rada Trajkovic finds it
“reasonable”, “moral” and “lawful,” in contravention of these conventions
and regulations of the international humanitarian law, under which
reprisals and crimes of genocide against the civilian population are
punished, to publicly declare after four years that “the
Serbian-Montenegrin army has already been rehabilitated and as such it
should return to Kosova to protect the Serbs, Montenegrins and others”
(!!!) This hypocrisy and lack of political morality that smack of Great
Serb national chauvinism and ultra-nationalism that Rada Trajkovic, deputy
to the Kosova parliament displays, can be found only in the “justification
of the ethics” of bestial atrocities during the holocaust perpetrated by
Hitler’s Nazifascism (1939-1945) against the victims, the Hebrews and
other peoples in Europe. But how come that the Serbian deputy to the
Kosova parliament Dr. Rada Trajkovic arrives at the conclusion and
publicly proclaims that the Yugoslav, Serbian-Montenegrin, army has been
“rehabilitated” and that it should by all means return to Kosova to
“protect” the victims of the Albanians, and nobody from the Albanian
official circles (the government and the parliament) and the International
UNMIK administration has so far come forward to make an issue of her
statement, unequivocally rejecting such an immoral, discriminatory,
unlawful and outright anti-Albanian demand? In response to such a racist
statement by Rada Trajkovic, which runs counter to the norms and rules of
international humanitarian law and fans ethnic hatred, the Kosova
parliament should necessarily include the case of the Serbian deputy Rada
Trajkovic on its agenda and seek the suspension of her parliamentary
immunity. The example Rada Trajkovic has set does not bring the Albanian
majority and the Serbian minority any closer to each other, nor does it
create inter-ethnic trust. Instead, it is a recipe for direct
confrontation between them leading to new crises and armed conflicts
within the Kosova-Serbia framework.
According to this “farsighted vision” of Dr. Rada Trajkovic, which is
as tendentious as it is subjective as far as “the fight against Albanian
terrorism” in Kosova is concerned, it turns out that KFOR and UNMIK,
though they have more than 27, 000 troopps under the NATO command at their
disposal, “greatly need” to be reinforced with the criminal special
reserve and army forces of the Serbia and Montenegro Union, though it is
the same forces that carried out acts of genocide and massacres against
the Albanian civilian population in Kosova four years ago. This is the
culmination of cynicism of the Great Serbian hypocritical policy! No, Rada
Trajkovic, Madam deputy of Kosova’s multiethnic parliament, your and
Slobodan Milosevic’s army, paramilitaries and police have run out once and
for all of “all credibility to exercise military obligations” in Kosova.
The place of the Serbian-Montenegrin special military forces, which Covic,
Trajkovic and Ivnovic and their ilk are day dreaming of and Rada Trajkovic
is insisting on, is neither KFOR, UNMIK, KPC nor Kosova. They should be
where they belong, at the International Court of the Hague and in
international jails. Together with Slobodan Milosevic, those of the army
and the police, who issued the orders, should render account for the
crimes and massacres against the Albanians and their property that they
plundered and burned down in Kosova. Irrespective of the theses of Nebojsa
Covic and Rada Trajkovic and the pressure from Belgrade’s and Podgorica’s
policy makers and their propaganda machine, the Albanians have no reason
to withdraw from their trenches to defend the bitter historic truth about
the Albanian issue overall and the Kosova question in the years 1998-1999
in particular. Their fight should necessarily be characterised by
perspicacity and objectivity and they should always work intensively to
expose the Serbian-Montenegrin war crimes and holocaust to international
democratic opinion. Any symptoms of dilemma and negative tendencies for
the sake of personal or political group interests, in favor of a policy
aimed at defending foreign, anti-Albanian, interests in order to obscure
or cover up the anti-human work, namely, the Serbian-Montenegrin holocaust
of the Albanians and Kosova, would mean, in view of the norms of customary
and international law, support for such a crime and amoral, apolitical and
unlawful excuse against the truth on the Albanians and Kosova.
There is no doubt that like any state and people in the world, Kosova
and its people indispensably need to enjoy the legitimate right to defend
their national and state interests but they can in no way seek or
materialize this right through the intermediary of Serbia’s and
Montenegro’s invading genocide-minded troops. On the contrary, in case
they are exposed to a threat, Kosova and the Albanian people will call for
help on their tested friend, the United States of America, which together
with its allies exerted its own influence on and took the leading role in
the liberation of Kosova and the salvation of the Albanians from
collective extermination that would have resulted from aggression and
genocide at the hands of Serbia’s military, paramilitary and police
forces. If “terrorism” has struck roots in Kosova, KFOR, UNMIK and KPC
have enough forces to stamp it out and deal with any other threat to
Kosova and its people. The Albanian people of Kosova and Kosova itself by
no means need to ask their hangmen and murderers for protection. What they
do really need is such loyal friends and allies as the United States of
America and its West European allies. I do repeat and will always
emphasize their historic humanitarian and friendly gesture, namely, the
direct interference of the United States of America with the NATO members’
coalition, which defeated the Serbian occupation forces and their military
objectives. Otherwise, Kosova today would have been totally emptied of
Albanians as a result of the Serbian Hitlerite holocaust in the midst of
Europe (1998-1999).
Trajkovic, Covic and their Company as well as those who support
Belgrade’s paranoid policies should not lose sight of the fact that
Kosova will never be their poor “municipality” with the status of a
colony as it was until June 1999, nor will the Albanans be their “means
of barter” to be exploited economically and pacified through terror and
genocide whenever the fancy took them in order to settle accounts and
engage in transactions with their Slav and pro-Slav allies at the
expense of the Albanian territory and Kosova’s independence.
Despite the compromising and provocative policy of Serbian-Montenegrin
nationalism and hegemonism, thanks to their dedication and concrete
activities, the Albanian political institutions and the military factor,
KPC, have proved to the international community during the last four years
that they stand for the normalization of and respect for
neighborly relations with all the countries bordering on Kosova, which
pursue a policy of peace and good neighborliness. But this rational and
farsighted policy that the Albanians are pursuing should not be
misunderstood and regarded as “submission” or “defeatism” as Belgrade’s
biased destructive policy that describes the Albanians’ policies as
“discriminating” against the Serb minority, is making out. Logically and
practically, such a provocative policy cannot hold water in view of the
reality of co-existence in Kosova but, according to the logic of Seriba,
it would be productive if the Serbs’ ploy went down with the Albanian
politicians, UNMIK and KFOR in Kosova. Judging by Trajkovic’s and Covic’s
logic and according to the sponsors of the Serbian nationalist policy,
“the Serbian-Montenegrin minority in Kosova is discriminated against to
such an extent in the context of its elementary rights” as to live through
the harshest prison terms in their own homes.” Primarily, by returning its
Army and police (either within the framework of KFOR or that of UNMIK) or
by bringing the colonist “refugees” back in, Serbia intends to create a
chaotic situation in Kosova, which would be decisive for the restoration
of Serbia’s state sovereignty over Kosova. In fact, this is what underlies
the demand for the decentralization of the Albanian “state power” and the
international peace mission in Kosova.
For this purpose, Serbia anathematizes the Albanian political
institutions and UNMIK by alleging that they are not playing their role
in defense of the rights of the Serbian-Montenegrin minority. This is
the issue Serbia is eager to take up for discussion in the first place
in a dialogue with the Albanian side and not the final settlement of
Kosova’s status.
In case the Serbian and Montenegrin official circles still insist on
suspending KPC and openly seek to trample underfoot the Kosova
Albanians’ right to self-determination, the Albanian politicians should
not be caught unawares. They should resort to all available legal and
democratic forms of struggle and means at their disposal, as stipulated
by the United Nations Charter and international law on the basis of
which KLA – KPC has been recognized as a legal Albanian national
military factor. To this end, the government and parliament of Kosova
need to make a special request to the United Nations Secretary General,
Mr. Kofi Annan, whereby to emphasize that all conditions have been
created to revise Resolution 1244, and pass a new Resolution on Kosova
in its place according to the spirit and letter of the Declaration on
Recognition of Independence to the colonial countries and peoples,
enshrined in Resolution 1514 (XX), passed by the United Nations General
Assembly on December 14, 1960 as well as in compliance with the relevant
provisions of the United Nations Charter and the basic legal
norms and principles of international law.
Delaying the passage of such a resolution on the settlement of the final
status of Kosova would help the colonialist policies and propaganda engage
in continuous acts of provocaton and interference in the internal affairs
of Kosova with the aim of creating new armed conflicts not only in Kosova
but in the Balkan region too. It is clear that by raising a hue and cry
about and playing the card of Albanian “terrorism”, which is in no way
Albanian but in fact Greater Serbian terrorism combined with genocide
carried out at the expense of the Albanians and Kosova during the
1989-1999 period, the criminal gangs composed of Serbian
military,paramilitary and police forces are likely to have recourse again
to terrorism and genocide unless there is fast track approval of such a
resolution on the recognition of Kosova’s self-determination.
If the United Nations Security Council denies the right to
self-determination to Kosova, Albanian body politic should not slacken
the intensity of its activity even for a moment. Utilizing the
legitimate institutional instruments (Government and Parliament), it
should pass the relevant legal act on a people’s referendum, in which
the people of Kosova would express themselves for a free and independent
Kosova with their free and democratic vote the same as they did in the
September 1991 referendum.
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Author is scientific collaborator of the "American Diplomacy", North
Carolina,USA.